Bond Markets Are Flashing Red, and Congress Must Heed the Warning
Written by Paul Winfree
The smoke alarm is going off. Washington’s next move will determine whether it becomes a fire drill or a four-alarm blaze.
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Traders work on the floor at the New York Stock Exchange in New York City, April 24, 2025.
The bond market is whispering a warning that should thunder through the halls of Congress. Since the end of the Obama administration, the likelihood of a repricing of U.S. Treasury debt has grown from a remote risk to a live possibility. Covid‑era borrowing turned that slow fuse into a short one. In a little more than three years Washington floated an additional $6 trillion in marketable debt while the Federal Reserve ended its bond‑buying spree to tamp down inflation.
You can already see the strain. The spread between the cash price of Treasury securities and their corresponding futures contracts (the so‑called basis) is the widest in decades. That gap exists because dealers must fund a mountain of Treasurys on balance sheets that are already groaning under tighter capital rules. Investors, sensing the squeeze, are demanding higher yields to hold the cash security rather than to trade the future. This is the bond market’s equivalent of a smoke alarm. It signals doubt that Uncle Sam can keep borrowing at today’s still relatively low rates.
From March 2020 through December 2023, by my estimate, the federal government paid for roughly three‑quarters of all new spending with debt. Both parties nodded along, believing that global demand for Treasurys would remain bottomless. However, if an external shock (such as a war, recession, natural disaster, or simply a bond auction that goes poorly) pushes yields sharply higher, the budget math turns brutal fast. Every one percentage point increase in average interest rates adds about $300 billion to annual federal interest costs within ten years.
This risk calls for preventive action. Congress should start by extending the pro‑growth provisions of the 2017 tax reform bill, but they should pair it with credible spending restraint. Growth generated by the existing tax cuts will already create an estimated $2.5 trillion in extra revenue over the coming decade. Covering the balance will require bending the cost curve for autopilot programs instead of letting them engulf larger shares of national output.
Some Republicans worry that matching tax relief with savings will blunt the political appeal of keeping rates low for families and small businesses. They should worry more about the alternative. If the GOP delivers tax cuts but punts on spending, and rates later spike, Democrats will blame it on “irresponsible” tax policy. This is exactly what Republicans did when President Biden’s stimulus caused inflation. Lose that argument, and conservatives will be on defense on tax policy for a generation. Plus, it will put tax reform (and other pro-growth reforms) in jeopardy of being rolled back after the next election.
The outline for success is simple. Score the growth by locking in additional revenue from faster economic growth. Reduce spending dollar-for-dollar to ensure the reconciliation bill is deficit neutral after considering the dynamic revenue. Reduce the spending growth in the federal government’s long-term liabilities to send a credible signal to the bond markets.
Critics will decry this as “austerity” that risks recession. They have it backward. The real threat to jobs and wages is a debt-driven interest rate shock that forces sudden, indiscriminate cuts. Sensible lawakers can insure against that outcome by acting now, when adjustments can be phased in over time.
Imagine the alternative: The ten‑year Treasury yield surges past 6 percent, investors recoil from new auctions, and Treasury is forced to roll over roughly $9 trillion in short term bills at punishing rates. The government’s scramble for cash would crowd out private borrowers, sending mortgage and credit card costs through the roof. At that point, Congress would be forced to hack the budget with an axe instead of having the ability to proceed carefully with a scalpel had they acted sooner.
We are at a turning point. Either lawmakers pair tax policy with disciplined budgeting, or they gamble that the most liquid bond market in history will never demand correction. The House has the leverage and the expertise to choose the responsible path. If it does, it will not merely avert a fiscal crisis, it will deliver prosperity and stability in equal measure.
The smoke alarm is going off. Washington’s next move will determine whether it becomes a fire drill or a four-alarm blaze.
About the Author
Paul Winfree is president and CEO of the Economic Policy Innovation Center. Previously, he was director of budget policy and deputy director of the White House Domestic Policy Council during the first Trump Administration.
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